is truly vicious," observed The New York Times in an editorial,
September 1, 1937, "is not propaganda but a monopoly of it." This monopoly is
seen most clearly in totalitarian states where all channels of communication
are controlled by the government. The extent to which the propaganda machinery
of a country has been brought under the control of one organization or a group
of related organizations is a useful measure of the degree to which absolutism
dominates it, of the extent to which democracy has been eliminated.
In democratic countries this monopoly aspect of propaganda is held in
check by rivalries between competing organizations. Political, economic,
educational, and religious spokesmen are able to and actually do disseminate
rival propagandas. This gives those at whom the rival propagandas are directed
some freedom of choice among the alternatives offered them.
The ability of individuals and organizations in democracies to enter their
special viewpoints into the rivalry of propagandas is restricted chiefly by
economic considerations.(2) In buying radio time and newspaper space, in the
outright purchase of radio stations and newspapers, in securing the expert
services of professional propagandists and public relations counselors,
individuals and groups with large financial resources have an advantage over
those with small resources. Producers of goods, for instance, have greater
propaganda power than either consumers or labor.(3)
The power of propaganda increases as its control becomes more centralized,
as the trend to monopoly increases. In democratic countries this takes place
when competing propagandists resolve their differences and agree upon one
propaganda. This maneuver can be seen in amalgamations or agreements within
political, economic, educational, and religious groups. As various groups come
to collaborate in terms of common interests, their propaganda programs tend to
coincide and to increase in power. This process is stimulated by the
centralization of the control of the economic structure of a country. A
tendency toward a monopoly of wealth is accompanied by a corresponding
tendency toward a monopoly of propaganda.
Contrasted with the relative freedom for the dissemination of propaganda
in democracies is the complete or nearly complete elimination of this freedom
in totalitarian countries. Fascist Germany illustrates how propaganda is used
both to bring a dictator into power and to aid him in maintaining that power.
In Germany the propaganda which helped convince the people of the efficiency
of the National Socialist(4) solution for the country's political and economic
problems was reinforced by an army of storm troops that weakened opposition
through terrorism. Such methods made difficult and dangerous the promulgation
of competing propagandas. The power of the Nazi propaganda was increased
further by the financial support of certain business men and by the political
intrigues of Colonel Franz von Papen and other officials of the Weimar
With the establishment of the National Socialist régime its monopoly of
propaganda was rapidly achieved. Suppression of opposition was thorough. Every
source of public information and nearly every instrument capable of affecting
public opinion came under its control. Although some of the church groups were
difficult to dominate, in general the National Socialist propaganda drive went
forward with a thoroughness which exceeded that of World War propaganda.(5)
To understand how this monopoly of propaganda was effected, it is
necessary to review the conditions under which German Fascism was established.
In Germany, as elsewhere, Fascism is the outcome of economic and political
instability. It is an undemocratic means for dealing with the mass
unemployment of city workers, the economic distress of the middle classes, the
impoverishment of farmers, and the efforts of these groups for economic
reforms. So long as democratic realities continue to exist, with freedom of
speech, press, and assembly, such efforts for reform can obtain a public
hearing, and various programs to relieve and prevent distress stand a chance
of enactment into law. Thus, representative democracy provides a means for
reconciling conflicts through the expression of opinions and propagandas for
different solutions, from which an enlightened public can make its choice. In
Germany this means of mitigating the abuses of the economic system was feared
by influential politicians, industrialists, financiers, and great landowners.
After the worldwide depression of the late 1920's these individuals and groups
felt that they could maintain their status only through the abolition of
representative democratic government. Their opportunity came in Adolf Hitler,
Had there been no depression and no unemployment in Germany, there
doubtless would have been no Nazi party in control of Germany today. But the
depression was more than another business crisis. It brought back vividly the
hardships of the inflation period, the distress at the end of the war. It
caused millions of Germans to lose faith in the ability of the Weimar Republic
to prevent such recurring disasters. This major crisis was utilized by Hitler
to convince growing numbers of Germans, particularly in the middle classes,
that the Republic offered no future, no work, no promise, no hope for
themselves or for their children. The social strain created by this condition
made possible an audience highly susceptible to the propaganda of demagogues
and cliques of demagogues.
Sometimes a demagogue is sincere in his propaganda; usually he is
confused. Typically, a demagogic clique is corrupt in whole or in part. The
corrupt elements are usually successful in proportion to their astuteness and
unscrupulousness. They will agitate for a fee; they will exact for their
services all that the traffic will bear; they will serve or pretend to serve
many interests. The extent to which Hitler and his Nazi clique were sincere,
astute, or unscrupulous may never be fully known. At the critical moment the
NSDAP did receive the secret financial backing of a small group of Germans who
wanted a government which would abolish freedom of speech, press, and
assembly; which would eliminate labor unions; and which would deal effectively
with expressed opposition. Such a government was established in Germany in
1933 under the leadership of Adolf Hitler.(6)
Germany's defeat in the World War and her humiliation in the Treaty of
Versailles had become less significant in the reconstruction period of the
Weimar Republic; but at the end of the Twenties the world depression struck
the German people another crushing blow and brought unemployment and
impoverishment to increasing millions. Anger and unrest filled the land. In
such a period it was natural in Germany, as anywhere, that a large section of
the population would lend a favorable ear to anyone who offered himself as a
savior. The Socialists and Communists attributed the depression and its
consequences to the inherent weaknesses of a system of production for private
profit. This they sought to replace by a system of public ownership. Their
program made a rational appeal; as propaganda, however, it was much less
elective than the emotionally charged propaganda of the Nazis.
The program and, more particularly, the actions of the National Socialist
party have reflected the frustrations and despairs of the German workers,
farmers, and middle class. Hitler's life actually epitomized and dramatized
the experiences of the German people. Until his final overwhelming political
victory, Hitler had known only failure. He ranted to be an artist and failed;
an architect, and became a house painter; he went into the war with all
possible enthusiasm and returned from it a physical wreck with no hope and no
future in the country which had lost. Some excuse, some outlet, had to be
The middle class, one of the most politically important sections of the
population, had been neglected. After the war this class in particular
suffered from Germany's failure, defeat, and humiliation. It suffered from the
failure of the Weimar Republic to cope effectively with the economic crisis.
It distrusted communism. It feared violent charge, but it wanted such change
as would give a sense of security. Then came Adolf Hitler, a leader, who
promised the people all that they wanted. Most Germans felt that conditions
were too bad even to question how all that he offered could be achieved. The
few who did raise their voices in protest or doubt were silenced by argument,
by force, or by honest conviction that this new scheme, this new hope, must be
tried. Everything was promised to everyone: socialism to the laborer and to
the more liberal Kleinbürger; partition of the great estates to the
peasant; dissolution of trusts and economic security to the middle class
citizen; salvation from communism to the upper bourgeois; and to every one
elimination of the Jews, rearmament of the Reich, and "national liberation."
This was the appeal of the "National Socialist German Labor, Party." A mass
following was the result. Power, however, could come only by persuading the
industrialists, the financiers, and the feudal military caste to support the
Nazi movement. Hitler united them, organized them, and won their support with
his promises that they should not fear his labor-winning social program. It
was understood that they could retain control behind the scenes if Hitler were
left free to manage the political show.
It is difficult to estimate the support or strength of the industrialists.
As in most countries many business leaders contributed to all the major
parties. Despite its socialism, the growing following of the NSDAP made it a
useful tool to crush Marxism, democracy, and the German labor movement. The
list of industrialists and aristocratic contributors expanded rapidly between
1925 and 1933, especially after 1930. The most powerful figure(7) was the Ruhr
magnate, Chairman Fritz Thyssen of the Vereinigte Stahlwerke A.G. The
importance of this financial backing, however, should not be overemphasized.
So far as present records show, these men did not determine the policies of
the party. Those had been decided, before their support was elicited.
"Socialism" was a Glittering Generality privately admitted by the party
leaders. They had no plan and no intention of changing the existing economic
system. Capitalism was all they knew and all they wanted. But once in power,
political control dominated economic control. "Capitalism," as free
enterprise, became a Glittering Generality. Virgil Jordan,(8) president of the
National Industrial Conference Board, Inc., writes:
. The National-Socialist regime has established a rigid system of planned
economy. The aim of the government is to conduct the operation of the
economic system in the interest of general welfare, as the government
conceives it. All private interests may be sacrificed to the national
interest. No difference of opinion is allowed as to what constitutes the
national interest. That question is decided by the leader of the
National-Socialist Party, Chancellor Adolf Hitler, in consultation with
party members and with the representatives of industry and trade. Economic
planning was found to be impossible without putting labor and industry in a
strait-jacket. The government determines the tasks that private industry
must fulfill in order to promote national welfare and, through the exercise
of dictatorial political power, it tries to create the conditions under
which those tasks can be accomplished. . . .
By fixing wage rates, hours of work, prices, profits, and interest
rates; by controlling imports and subsidizing exports; by regulating
expansion of plant and equipment, the supply and distribution of raw
materials, and new security issues; and by spending billions of marks on
public works and rearmament—the National-Socialist régime has been
successful in providing the available working force of the country with
regular employment at a rate of wages sufficient to provide the basic
necessities of life, but which does not permit an appreciable increase in
the standard of living. . . . Once the government embarked on the program of
rearmament and economic self-sufficiency, the freedom of enterprise had to
win their way to power the National Socialists used all the techniques of
propaganda, all the avenues for its dissemination which modern science and
invention have made possible, and all the old appeals and shibboleths.
Professor Schuman(10) gives a vivid picture of one of the thousands of
carefully planned great mass meetings: the waiting, the expectancy, the late
hour when people's resistance is low, the decorations, the company of storm
troopers drilling, the dramatic torchlight parade, the bands, the singing,
finally the hush, a crash of drums and trumpets, the slow solemn entrance of a
well disciplined procession to stirring martial music or perhaps Richard
Wagner's "Entry of the G-ds into Valhalla"; at the end a special bodyguard,
the uniformed party leaders, and then, "the centre of all eyes, Der Führer—in
his tan raincoat, hatless, smiling, and affably greeting those to right and
left. A man of the people! Germany's Savior!" "Heil! Heil!" and the third
"HEIL!" swells into a great ovation. Speeches, spotlights, cheers, waving of
arms. The audience responds at the end with an overwhelming chorus, "Heil!
Heil! Heil! Hitler!" The bands blare forth, and the multitude chants the
"Horst Wessel Lied."
Vernon McKenzie,(11) director of the School of Journalism of the
University of Washington, reports such a meeting in September, 1932, when he
sat on the platform within ten feet of the Führer.
A Canadian friend who has heard Hitler speak many times expresses
succinctly the power of the Leader's eloquence or demagogy, whatever you may
could listen to Hitler talk for an hour on one side of a subject," he says,
"and then if he turned around and for the next hour directly contradicted
everything he had previously said, I would follow him and believe him. That
is what I think of Hitler's persuasive powers! If he can get me that way,
how much more can he get the German audiences?
"This evening Hitler . . . swayed that audience as I have never seen any
audience swayed before or since. He did not mention Hindenburg by name, but
one of his perorations went something like this:
" 'Certain parties are contending for the right to guide the destinies
of the German people. Certain leaders . . . one of them is eighty-six; the
other is forty-three. Which do you think is likely to survive to guide the
destinies of our race?'
". . . He could play with that audience just as he wished. As I looked
down at the sea of faces from the platform, the 30,000 in the auditorium
seemed to be subjects of mass hypnotism."
evidence of Mr. McKenzie's Canadian friend is borne out by comments of
American newspaper correspondents who point out that Hitler's addresses are
often unintelligible. Large numbers of his listeners apparently listen with
their emotions. When their tension becomes high, they intercept the speech by
emotional outbursts at seemingly inappropriate times. Here we see the force of
language with or without meaning as a molder of public opinion. Only
intelligent citizens skilled in analysis of propaganda and immunized against
the wiles of the orator were unaffected by Hitler. Among such doubtless were
editors, writers, teachers, clergymen, and others who later were to be killed,
imprisoned, or forced to acquiesce in silence to a régime they disapproved.
Hitler, the master propagandist, knew that propaganda, to be effective,
must be keyed to the desires, hopes, hatreds, loves, fears, and prejudices of
the people; he knew that most human beings crave a scapegoat to take the blame
of disaster and to bolster their own pride. The Jews were made the scapegoat.
He blamed them not only for the existing unemployment and impoverishment but
also for the loss of the war and the Treaty of Versailles. But the anti-Jewish
propaganda had even greater value to Nazism than the mere creation of a
scapegoat. Through the Jews Hitler was able to strike at anyone, Jew or
non-Jew, opposed to Nazism, and to discredit any plan which aimed at the
peaceful rehabilitation of Germany. Hitler's objective was to create in the
minds of Germans an ugly image of "Jew." The word "Jew" was deliberately made
synonymous with everything the Germans resented and hated or could be led to
resent and hate. Once that was done, Nazi agitators revived or manufactured
for circulation notorious forgeries, which branded all those persons as Jews
who did or said anything not in accord with Nazi ideas. To attack the Dawes
Plan, for example, it became necessary to label Dawes as a Jew and so,
according to Der Stürmer, Dawes was portrayed to its readers as a
full-blooded Jew, originally named Davidson. The banking house of J. P.
Morgan, which acted as a house of issue for a German government loan opposed
by Hitler, was promptly branded a Jewish banking house and the Morgan name
given as an abridgment of the more Jewish-sounding Morgenstern. Similarly the
entire French nation, whom the Nazis consider to be Germany's natural enemy,
was described as a nation of Jews, The Germans, Hitler said, were the world's
greatest race, supreme in the arts of peace and unconquerable in war unless
betrayed by the Jews. Thus, he was able to give to the National Socialist
program the driving power of strong nationalism, coupled with the emotional
appeal of racial superiority, intensified by hatred of the despised Jews. At
the same time he inveighed against the great bankers, industrialists, and
landowners as vigorously as did the Communists and Socialists. He proclaimed
himself the savior of the farmers, the small business men, and the workers. As
early as 1920 Hitler's newly created National Socialist party made promises
identical with those of the Socialists and Communists. The NSDAP platform
adopted in Munich, February 24, 1920, included these demands: abolition of
unearned incomes, nationalization of all trusts, abolition of interest on land
loans, the enactment of a law for confiscation without compensation of land
for public purposes. In May, 1926, the party decided that this program was
never, to be changed. Two years later, April, 1928, Adolf Hitler signed a
statement which in effect held invalid the phrase ".confiscation without
compensation." Since the National Socialists hold to the view of private
property, he claimed, it was "self-evident" that this phrase referred "only to
the creation of legal means whereby land which was acquired in illegal ways or
which is not being administered to the best interests of the nation's welfare
might be expropriated if necessary. This is directed primarily against Jewish
land-speculation companies."(12) The official name of the party is a perfect
example of the Glittering Generalities device—Nationalsozialistische
Deutsche Arbeiterfartei (National Socialist German Workers Party). In
Germany the great pro-Nazi program of public housing and public works and the
higher living standards achieved through labor unions had given the word
"socialist" favorable connotations. Hitler took full advantage of these
connotations, though later his actual program drove socialists into
concentration camps and abolished labor unions.
But spellbinding, emotional meetings were not the only Nazi techniques of
propaganda which helped bring the party to power. With its mysterious
swastika, its parades, its officers, its "Third Reich," its esoteric "wisdom,"
its solidarity achieved by familiar symbols and uniforms, the party was and is
actually a secret society. It is elaborately organized with a women's
auxiliary, children's groups, youth divisions—a place for every one. Subtle
suggestions run the gamut of emotions: prestige, love, fear, security, pride,
hate. Hitler himself is said to have invented the Hakenreuz flag and much of
the elaborate military insignia of the brown-uniformed Sturm-Abteilung,
or storm troops organized on strictly military lines to combat other parties,
and of the black-uniformed Schutzstaffel, originally the personal
bodyguard of Hitler, now a small army of full-time, well paid mercenaries.
Promises, circuses, societies, banners, slogans, hate, fear, hope,
pride—all swept the unsatisfied, discouraged Germans into the crowd on the
band wagon behind the swastika. Since the advent of the National Socialists
the power of the agencies of propaganda has been intensified and coordinated
so that all avenues of communication—press, school, radio, motion picture, and
even the church—must carry but one propaganda to the public mind, must express
one will, one voice, one opinion. Hence the Hitler régime has, in common with
other fascist countries, established a system wherein authority flows from the
top down; and from the people comes blind, instant, unquestioning obedience.
In the pages that follow, the propaganda which aided the National Socialists
in winning support, which helps them keep the support of a majority of the
people today, is analyzed under the seven common propaganda devices suggested
in the November letter of the Institute for Propaganda Analysis.
Calling" is a device to make us form a judgment without examining the evidence
on which it should be based. Here the propagandist appeals to our hate and
much as the first task of the National Socialists was to destroy
simultaneously all trade unions as well as all liberal democratic
institutions, it was necessary to make the people believe that these were
devilish inventions, cleverly designed by malicious persons to ruin the German
people. This they sought to accomplish by asserting with endless repetition
that these institutions were similar in structure and mood to those of
communism. They then painted communism in terms so lurid as to horrify even
the skeptical. With people convinced that communism (often used by the Nazis
as synonymous with the Weimar Republic) had been forced on them by a
"degenerate" and "malicious" cabal of "alien enemies" to create their misery,
they could then rally all good Germans around the Führer, who promised to
protect his people by waging relentless war on these "enemies of Germany."
This picture was widely accepted and was supported by a complete mythology in
which the Jews, communism, and liberalism or democracy were held to be the
major evil influences from which the National Socialists saved Germany.
Prominent in this campaign is Julius Streicher's newspaper Der Stürmer,
which, in addition to its regular anti-Semitism, has recently published A
Story Book for Young and Old Alike, in which Jews are pilloried and
"Aryan" Germans warned against them. The seventeen "folk tales" are
illustrated by grotesque caricatures of alleged Semitic types with the title
"A Poisonous Mushroom."(13) Koppel S. Pinson,(14) editor of the American
edition of Professor Lichtenberger's The Third Reich, quotes from the
Berliner Tageblatt's account of a speech by Dr. Goebbels, Minister of
People's Enlightenment and Propaganda, on Tempelhof Field in Berlin, June 30,
"Does one believe that we have buttons instead of eyes not to see how
certain counter movements in the capital city are once again attempting to
spread out? (Applause) And how the bourgeois intellectuals once again are
ready to give them brotherly aid with that stupid and inane phrase that the
Jew is also a human being. True he is, but what kind of a human being! A
flea is also an animal, yet not a very pleasing animal. We do not want the
Jew any more! He has no place any longer in the German community!"
"Liberals" are classified as weak, insipid, vacillating, temporizing,
and unprincipled. To be a "liberal" or to believe in the "stupid doctrine of
equality" fostered by "Jewish-invented democracy" is to be a lily-livered
"red." "Jewish democracy" is opposed to the "true democracy," which Hitler
claims to have established.
Nazi propagandists supercharge words with feeling and emotion in order
to give them greater force in Name Calling. The same supercharging is
applied to the "virtue words" which they employ in the Glittering
Generalities device. Many of these words derive their virtue from the
immense reservoir of honesty, decency, good workmanship, good will, fine
imagination, and rich emotionalism of the German people. Others are given
significant new meanings.
"Glittering Generalities" is a device by which the propagandist
identifies his program with virtue by use of "virtue words." Here he appeals
to our emotions of love, generosity, and brotherhood.
that is to the interest of those who control the regime is praised in terms of
the "community good" and "comradeliness." To the same end there is
considerable talk about subjecting all "narrow" and "selfish" interests to the
"welfare of the community." Such words as "labor" and "sacrifice" are given
additional "virtue" by ceremonials and dramatic awards.(15) As was previously
indicated, the virtue that the word "socialist" had come to connote in Germany
was the reason for its inclusion in the official name of the National
Socialist party. Many Germans who believed in socialism were thus led to vote
for a party whose leadership was committed to destroy socialism.
The most sweeping generality is that conveyed by the word Volk
(folk or people). The Volk, after purging itself of Jewish blood, is to
return to the true Germanic tradition of the Middle Ages. To lend authority to
this theory a "biological mythology" has had to be invented, and is now
proclaimed by professors appointed to university chairs for that purpose.
Thus, we see the Card Stacking and Testimonial devices used to strengthen an
application of the Glittering Generalities device. The régime utilizes the
word "science" to sanction practices, policies, beliefs, and races which it
wants approved. By "science" it obtains approval for the destruction of all
opposition and of all "Marxist liberal culture."
Other generalities are effective in appealing to special groups. The
farmers have been heartened to endure the poor return from their toil by a
whole magnificat, written on the theme of Blut und Boden (blood and
soil). They are told that they are of the "glorious peasant state," and each
householder is given the honored title of Bauer. (The translation of
this word, "peasant" or "farmer," does not convey the same connotation which
the original does to National Socialist Germany, where the meaning is more
that of a "creative builder.") The title is secured to the Bauer if he
can prove freedom from Jewish blood after January 1, 1800. "Bauer
honor" ties him to the land and prevents him from changing his occupation or
residence. By way of compensation he has the "honor" of having his name placed
on an "Estate Roll," which entitles him to use special insignia—something like
a coat of arms.
The flattery, the insignia, and the verbal consolations offered to workers
on the land have their parallels in those offered to industrial laborers. Nazi
propagandists praise the "dignity of labor" and organize festivals in its
honor. Labor, they assert, is filled with a new spirit; and to guard this
spirit is the task, or mission, of Die Treuhänder der Arbeit (the
trustees of labor). These "trustees" are government officials in the
organizations controlled by the National Socialist party. It is their duty to
see that labor disputes do not arise, or, having arisen, are settled as
totalitarian expediency may determine.
Particularly important in any totalitarian state is the Gleichschaltung
or coördination of all the activities of the people. The German Labor Front,
administered from the Central Office in Berlin by Dr. Robert Ley, staff leader
of the political organization of the party, has fourteen sections. These,
according to the National Industrial Conference Board,(16) "deal with
practically every aspect of economic and social life of German labor." The
Department of Kraft durch Freude or "Strength through Joy"(17) is
designed to employ all of the laborer's leisure activities and to see that in
these his "spirit" is coördinated with the "common" good. This makes it
possible to check the way he spends his leisure hours and to prevent his
developing and expressing opposition to the régime.
As pointed out above, by using such Glittering Generalities as "national
honor" and "public interest" the National Socialists sought to justify the
Gleichschaltung of industry described thus by the National Industrial
state can dismiss the owner of an enterprise from the position of
leadership, if his behavior offends against social honor. For the same
reason, it can deprive an employee of the position which he occupies. The
state can prohibit investment of capital in certain industries if their
growth is not desirable and if capital is more urgently needed in some other
branch of the national economy. The state can determine the amount of
profits that can be paid out and control the employment of the amount
retained as surplus. The state determines the amount of raw materials placed
at the disposal of the various industries and individual enterprises. In the
final analysis, the state fixes prices, wages, rates of interest, and the
volume and distribution of credit.
Glittering Generalities are given additional power through the deliberate
exploitation and perversion of humane feelings and impulses. This technique,
much used by the warring nations in the World War, has made it possible for
German Fascists to make the German people serve ends which, in the absence of
force or fraud, would not have been respected or tolerated. Examples of such
perversion utilize the Transfer device.
"Transfer" is a device by which the propagandist carries over the
authority, sanction, and prestige of something we respect and revere to
something he would have us accept.
approaching deification of Chancellor Hitler is an outstanding example of this
device. Nazi propagandists seek to establish him as a quasi-divinity and to
transfer to him the religious feelings of the German people; then to transfer
from him the "divine" sanction of the policies, practices, beliefs, and
hatreds which he espouses. Some party spokesmen and supporters refer to Hitler
in terms like those applied to Ch--st. However, the pressure exerted to force
the acceptance of the Führer as, a modern savior has been resisted by those
church leaders who have recognized in the Nazi movement a conflict with
Christianity, a conflict admitted by the more outspoken National Socialists.
Despite this opposition Nazi leaders have had great success, in capturing
religious feeling and in establishing Hitler as a divinity embodying the
traditions of the old German folklore. The Evangelical Church Letter(19)
submitted to Chancellor Hitler, in June, 1936, makes these observations:
this connection we must make known to the Führer and Chancellor our
uneasiness over the fact that he is often revered in form that is due to G-d
alone. It is only a few years ago that the Führer himself disapproved of his
picture being placed on Evangelical altars. His judgment is taken to be the
standard unrestrainedly today not only in political decisions, but also in
regard to morality and justice in our people, and he himself is vested with
the dignity of the national priest, and even of the mediator between G-d and
(N.B.: Dr. Goebbels on April 19, 1936: "When the Führer addressed his
last appeal to the people of March 28, it was as if a profound agitation
went through the whole nation; one felt that Germany was transformed into
one single House of G-d, in which its intercessor stood before the throne of
the Almighty to bear witness. . . . It seemed to us that this cry to heaven
of a people for freedom and peace could not die away unheard. That was
religion in its profoundest and most mystical sense. A nation then
acknowledged G-d through its spokesman, and laid its destiny and its life
with full confidence in His hand." See also Göring's speeches.)
Pius XI(20) in his encyclical on Germany, March 14, 1937, stressed the same
point when he wrote:
Beware, Venerable Brethren, of the growing abuse in speech and writing,
of using the thrice holy name of G-d as a meaningless label for a more or
less capricious form of human search and longing.
members of the Roman Catholic Church and of the Protestant churches are not
sufficiently influenced by the attempt to transfer their allegiance from the
church beliefs which they have held to the beliefs "coordinated" with those of
the state, more direct means of persuasion are used. Of these the Pope(21)
Among the spokesmen there are many who, by reason of their official
position, seek to create the impression that leaving the Church, and the
disloyalty to Christ the King which it entails, is a particularly convincing
and meritorious form of profession of loyalty to the present State. With
cloaked and with manifest methods of coercion, by intimidation, by holding
out the prospect of economic, professional, civic and other advantages, the
loyalty of Catholics and especially of certain classes of Catholic officials
to their faith is put under a pressure that is as unlawful as it is unworthy
of human beings. All Our fatherly sympathy and deepest condolence We offer
to those who pay so high a price for their fidelity to Christ and the
Baldur von Schirach, Nazi youth leader, wrote for the youth of Germany
"Adolf Hitler, we believe in Thee. Without Thee we would be alone.
Through Thee we are a people. Thou hast given us the great experience of our
youth, comradeship. Thou hast laid upon us the task, the duty, and the
responsibility. Thou hast given us Thy Name [Hitler Jugend ], the most
beloved Name that Germany has ever possessed. We speak it with reverence, we
bear it with faith and loyalty. Thou canst depend upon us, Adolf Hitler,
Leader and Standard-Bearer. The Youth is Thy Name. Thy Name is the Youth.
Thou and the young millions can never be sundered."
Effective in transferring the sanction of the Almighty to his program are
Hitler's public prayers. For example, in his address to the Reichstag,
February 20, 1938,(23) in which the Nazi aggression against Austria,
Czechoslovakia and other nations was forecast, Hitler used this device to give
his acts divine approval in advance. He closed that address with these words:
this hour I should only like to pray the Lord G-d also in years to come to
bestow his blessing upon our work, our acts, our insight and our resolution
to preserve us from overbearing as well as cowardly subservience, guiding us
on the right path which His providence mapped out for the German people and
that He always will give us the courage to do what is right and never waver
or shrink before any violence or any danger. Long live Germany and the
the attempt to give divine sanction to Hitler and the Nazis has been
successful is attested by a petition presented to the Chancellor by the
chaplains of the armed forces in the autumn of 1937.(24) From it these
excerpts are taken:
one half believes enthusiastically everything that is officially announced;
the other half holds that it is all a lie. . . . The repeated promises that
the rights of the church would be recognized and that full liberty would be
given to it to regulate its own affairs have not been forgotten. . . . The
State and the party combat today not only the churches, let alone merely
political activities of the churches. They combat Christianity. This fact is
repeatedly denied. It is true nevertheless. . . . In the training camps of
the party it is repeatedly explained that National Socialism has three
enemies: Judaism, Masonry and Christianity. Public acceptance of
Christianity is regarded, when a new position is to be filled, as a tie that
unfits the candidate for service to the State or the party. . . . Of the
18,000 Protestant pastors in Germany approximately 1,300 have been in prison
or under police arrest since 1934. That the pastor should be arrested has
become a routine affair for Protestant parishes. . . . The type of men who
have become famous by combating Christianity and who employ all their power
to defile other men's holy things will display when matters become really
serious their moral worthlessness. A keen observer can already see the
signs. Bolshevism will easily find followers among some of those who today
shout "Heil Hitler!"
prestige and authority of G-d are used to sanction the National Socialist
party, its foreign policy of military expansion,(25) and its domestic policy
of bending to its will labor, agriculture, business, and all ideals, including
those of Christianity.
Attempts are made to divert the attention of the industrial worker from
the declining purchasing power of his labor and from the facts of his
exploitation by transferring the feelings aroused in his breast by songs,
processions, and rituals to a sense of pride in the "dignity of labor."(26)
The prestige, sanction, and authority of previous traditions of labor
solidarity are transferred to the politically controlled labor organizations
of the National Socialists, who have taken over the ritual and symbolism built
up by the pro-Nazi labor unions and by the Social Democrats. May Day has been
made the "Day of National Labor." All the "virtue" of the German Volk
is transferred to labor. Workers are "honored" and "ennobled" with the
"spiritual values" of the German Volk. This virtue is symbolized by the
swastika, which here is the "symbol of German creative power."(27)
Love of the home and motherhood are similarly exploited to encourage women
to accept the form of living which the National Socialist program requires of
them. Children are made responsive to military ideals by transferring to these
ideals the child's love of adventure. The peasant's love of the land is
stimulated and transferred to an acceptance of his place in the present regime
by such pronouncements as this:(28)
peasant, sticking to his soil, tilling all the time, knows what it means to
own the ground. There is a higher value besides the one registered in the
Hall of Records. Men of the big cities, the heaps of stones, of the fountain
pen, of the ledger, of the sewing needle . . . do not know any more what
Mother Earth should mean to them.
children the Transfer device most frequently employed is the symbol of the
Nazi hero—especially in his rôle of soldier. Manliness is identified with the
glory of the party and is used as a means of encouraging in German boys an
attitude of superiority toward women and a belief in the doctrines of
militarism and anti-Semitism. Words and symbols appertaining to war have been
endowed with a glorious sense to make war appear heroic and thrilling. Little
children know and give the Hitler salute. Toy soldiers, tanks, machine guns,
and simplified battle instructions abound everywhere—symbols to transfer
sanction to the later use of real tanks and machine guns. During special
"children's evenings" boys and girls read books like Horst Wants to Be a
Soldier, A Child Goes to War, The Battle of Tannenberg, and Two
Lads in the Navy.(29) Problems in some arithmetic books deal with such
questions as the quantity of gas bombs that would be necessary, if dropped
from an altitude of ten thousand feet, to destroy a town of five thousand
"Testimonial" is a device to make us accept anything from a patent medicine or
a cigarette to a program of national policy.
the fact that "the Führer knows the goal and knows the direction," it follows
that his is the supreme testimonial. No authority and no judgment which does
not follow from or accord with his can be right. No specialist knows better
than he, no recommendation can be better than his. He can deny even the
authority of science. Only the conclusions of "German science" as approved by
the Führer may be accepted. When the conclusions of science do not accord with
his wishes, as m genetics, anew science has to be invented (Card Stacking);
its prestige then has to be established by his testimonial.(30) So also with
the arts. Only that art which is approved by the Führer and his subordinates
as German art may be accepted by the German people.(31) So also does he decree
how men and women shall live their lives. The kind of life which has the
Führer's approval is that which is surrendered to the state. In this Hitler is
the arbiter; his approval is the supreme testimonial.
By the same leadership principle the attempted deification of Hitler is
used to justify all actions at the top of the National Socialist pyramid.
Delegation of power down through the party hierarchy is made to justify the
actions of every "leader." There are no elections in the democratic sense of
the word and no free discussions. "Leaders" hold office indefinitely and at
the discretion of their immediate superiors.
"Plain Folks" is a device used by politicians, labor leaders, business
men, and even by ministers and educators to win our confidence by appearing
to be people like ourselves—"just plain folks among the neighbors."
the same time that the Führer is canonized, an attempt is made to transform
him into a "man of the people." In this, the propagandists are greatly
assisted by his habits; for he affects ordinary clothes, wears no medals other
than his simple Iron Cross, eats plain food and that sparingly, and leads a
quiet, secluded life. He is pictured as a man of the people meeting plain
Folks in their ordinary walks of life, enjoying with them their simple work
and pleasures. But as previously indicated, Hitler wields an almost hypnotic
power over an audience as he rushes excitedly through a speech. The simplest
peasant and the most untutored servant girl feel that he is talking directly
to them. As he speaks, they seem to relive with him his terrible war
experiences and his poverty-stricken post-war days. Just as one of the most
powerful appeals of the figure of Christ for the poor of all ages is his lowly
origin and his expressions of sympathy for humble people, so the National
Socialists attempt to capitalize on Hitler's early career. J-s-s, a carpenter,
is the Messiah of the Christian world; Hitler, a house painter, is the savior
of Germany. However, to judge by what Hitler has written in his book, Mein
Kampf, he appears to have little sympathy but much contempt for the broad
masses. Miriam Beard(32) says:
[Hitler] will not be squeamish about his methods: "Whenever people fight for
their existence all questions of humanity or esthetics fall away to
nothing." Mercy is a vain illusion, he informs us on page 267 of the
original, cut from the translation, "in a world . . . in which Force is
forever mistress over the weak" and in which "Nature does not know" it.
The real sting is taken from his [Hitler's] remarks on labor. His
intention to "free economic life from the influences of the mass" is
this case, as in that of the other propaganda devices discussed in this paper,
the element of misrepresentation of fact is considerable, although it is not
always predominant. The device which plays the most important part in National
Socialist propaganda is, therefore, "stacking the cards" for or against
beliefs or facts which the National Socialists wish either to encourage or to
"Card Stacking" is a device in which the propagandist employs all the
arts of deception to win our support for himself, his group, nation, race,
policy, practice, belief, or ideal. He stacks the cards against the truth.
He uses under-emphasis and over-emphasis to dodge issues and evade facts.
misrepresentation of facts works in two ways. On the one hand there is a
rigorously enforced censorship, backed by an elaborate spy system and the
constant threat of concentration camps. By this means the régime can suppress
facts, prevent discussion and expression of discontent and opposition. This
largely accounts for the fact that many visitors on returning from Germany
report that they heard no expression of discontent. On the other hand the
régime has freedom to give publicity to falsehoods. Hitler(33) approves such
publicity in Mein Kampf (deleted from the English translation) which he
"Propaganda . . . does not have to seek objectively for the truth so far
as it favors an opponent . . . but exclusively has to serve our interests."
It must adopt every device of slander that ingenuity can suggest: "whenever
our propaganda permits for a single moment the shimmer of an appearance of
right on the other side, it has laid a foundation for doubt in the right of
our cause . . . especially among a people that so suffers from
objectivity-mania as the German!"
The Reichstag fire(34) on February 27, 1933, one week before the last free
election in the Weimar Republic, affords an example of effective Card
Stacking. The records of the trial following the fire establish clearly that
the firing was planned and executed with finesse, that Communists were
immediately accused of the act, that preparations had been made for the arrest
of Communists before the fire-calls had been sounded, and that the evidence
submitted by the National Socialists against the accused Communists did not
stand in court. But none of the significant facts behind the fire was
submitted, although foreign observers were convinced that both the National
Socialists and the court knew what they were. The falsity of the charge that
the Communists burned the Reichstag buildings was never told the German
Similar Card Stacking techniques were utilized at the Olympic Games in
Berlin and at the fifth centenary anniversary of Heidelberg University. In
connection with the latter the celebrations were taken out of the hands of the
regular university authorities. The foreign scholars who attended witnessed a
series of National Socialist political speeches, storm troop parades, and
demonstrations intended to show the German people that the scientific and
educational world approved of the Nazi system. Nothing was said of the fact
that the leading universities of the world, including three of the oldest—
Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge—declined to attend. Nor was any publicity given
to the letters sent by these universities, in which they declined the
invitations and deplored the loss of academic freedom in the country which
gave Lehrfreiheit to the world.
The spirit of the Reichstag trial and the Heidelberg celebration is
reflected in the announcements of foreign policy from Wilhelmstrassc. Treaties
and pronouncements are often regarded as instruments useful to placate,
appease, or even deceive other governments. After categorical denials of
German interference in Spain, official recognition was given Franco, and
Hitler made the statement that German troops were in Spain not only to
"protect" her from "communism" but also to keep open for Germany access to
ores and other raw materials.
In line with this policy is the destruction of books and papers which
contain what the Japanese call "dangerous thoughts." Public and private
libraries, book stores, offices, and reference files are searched for "red,"
"communist," "Jewish" literature—literature which includes the works of Helen
Keller, Emile Zola, Marcel Proust, H. G. Wells, Thomas and Heinrich Mann,
Arnold Zweig, Albert Einstein, Jacob Wassermann, along with Karl Marx,
Friedrich Engels, Lenin, and Stalin. Such books feed great fires in public
squares throughout the country. Quotations from some of these works are taken
out of their context and presented to the public as examples of how these
authors have been "poisoning the community" with "filth" and "lies."
Even long accepted classics are not immune. In a letter(35) to the Neue
Tagebuch (Prague, Czechoslovakia, April 24, 1937) Dr. Emil Ludwig
recounted his abortive attempt to purchase a copy of the only complete edition
of Goethe's Conversations edited by Baron von Biedermann. The reply
which his Zurich bookstore received from Leipzig read, "Biedermann Gespräche
mit Goethe destroyed." When he learned that the Third Reich was preparing a
new and purged "Selection" of this famous German classic, Dr. Ludwig wrote:
"Here are a few examples why Goethe's Conversations need to be purged
for use in present-day Germany.
"They are Prussians, my friend, so beware! Prussians always claim to
know everything better than anyone else."—To Grüner, 1822.
"Patriotism depraves history. Jews, Greeks, and Romans depraved their
own history and the history of other peoples by not telling it impartially.
The Germans do it, too, with their own history and that of other
nations."—To Riemer, 1817.
"He was infuriated by Wurm's efforts to make the Jews an object of
ridicule on the stage, and he said, 'It is despicable to pillory a nation
which possesses such, remarkable talents in art and science. As long as I am
in charge of the theatre, this type of play will never be produced.' "
—Biedermann Edition, Vol. II, p. 385.
Miriam Beard(36) has shown how the English edition of Mein Kampf
was purged of remarks which might offend foreigners. Eliminated are the more
vitriolic attacks on France and democratic institutions, many of the eulogies
of the Germans as a "master race," the more scurrilous references to Jews and
to the "stupid masses," and the more blatant advocacy of militarism, force,
violence, and war. Hitler says, for example in words deleted from the
translation,(37) that he adopted Feder's anti-usury cry for its drawing power,
with no intention of keeping his promise, since a great politician "has to
bother himself less with means than with the goal."
An analysis of parallel news reports in German and foreign papers offers
examples of the effective use of Card Stacking by a controlled press. For
instance, during the trial of Pastor Niemoeller the only news carried by the
German papers was a brief attack upon him as one who advocated a policy of
love to Jews and traitors and preached from the Old Testament. His release by
the court was announced but his rearrest by the secret police was not.
Convictions of Roman Catholics for "immoral practices" were published;
acquittals were "played down." Although the Minister for Church Affairs, Herr
Hans Kerrl, announced that more than 8,000 Catholic religious leaders were or
had been under arrest, he did not publish the fact that only about forty-nine
had been convicted of immoral actions. Similarly, many crimes of individual
Jews are publicized, but no publicity is given to ways in which German Jews
have served their country. No intimation, for example, is made of the fact
that 12,000 Jews died for Germany in the World War; or that, despite official
discouragement, approximately the same proportion of Jews as of Gentiles
served in the German army and navy.(38)
In addition to influencing the German people in the direction desired by
the dictator, the falsehoods inherent in Card Stacking arouse hatreds which.
have the effect of rallying the people against the supposed enemy or peril.
"Band Wagon" is a device to make us follow the crowd, to accept the
propagandist's program en masse. Here his theme is: "Everybody's
doing it." His techniques range from those of medicine show to dramatic
of the great unifying principles adopted by the National Socialists is that of
hate. Among the passages deleted from the English version of Mein Kampf,
Hitler has written:(39)
"Hate is more lasting than dislike, and the thrusting power for the
mightiest upheavals on this earth has at all times come less from scientific
recognition than from a fanaticism that fills the souls of the masses and in
a forward-driving hysteria" (vorwärtsjagenden Hysterie).
accordance with this principle Jews, communists, liberals, and democrats,
became objects of hatred and scapegoats which could be made to suffer for the
people's distress. Unity is further encouraged by patriotic demonstrations,
Typical in these are gigantic crowds of people, massed ranks of uniformed
troops, bands playing patriotic and martial airs, voices declaiming from a
hundred mechanical mouths, ecstatic marchers carrying flickering torches,
their resinous smoke blending into the darkness, flags and swastikas
everywhere. This is the National Socialist equivalent of "bread and circuses."
To bring all Germans upon the National Socialist band wagon, the party
propagandists play continuously upon the common fears, hatreds, prejudices,
aspirations and traditions. All propaganda devices culminate in this one. Not
to get on the German fascist band wagon is the gravest heresy, tantamount to
treason. This largely accounts for reports of nearly 100 percent "Yes" votes m
all Nazi plebiscites.
What End All This Propaganda?
Prophecies are hazardous. We do not know the future of German Fascism.
When Hitler wrote his book, Mein Kampf, he stated as objectives so many
goals which since have been attained that the book often is called the
blueprint of German Fascism. Hitler has written: "A State which . . .
devotedly fosters its best racial elements is bound one day to become Master
of the Earth (Herr der Erde)."(40)
Preparation for war is today the major activity of the National
Socialists. Hitler's program for expansion is as impressive as the
Berlin-to-Bagdad objective of the former Kaiser. If expansion can be obtained
without fighting, as in the case of Austria, by mere threat of military attack
with acquiescence, support or approval of politicians, statesmen, and groups
in other states, there will be no war—simply the peaceful yielding to German
Fascist occupation or domination. Lands so occupied or dominated probably
would experience almost immediately five major phenomena characteristic of
Fascism in Germany itself:
The destruction of labor unions.
2. The destruction of "free enterprise" to bring business under the
absolute control of the Führer.
3. The destruction of "free enterprise" in agriculture.
4. The destruction or silencing of members of the intellectual
class—editors, professors, teachers, clergymen and others who by reason of
native gifts, training, education, and experience are among the best equipped
to analyze and appraise the policies and acts of the Führer and the hierarchy
of Nazi officials.
5. A monopoly of propaganda, accompanied by coercion, to keep all the
people subservient to the authoritarian will.
Preceding such occupation or domination one may expect subversive or open
propaganda to make the people receptive to Fascism. This will have the support
of those groups and individuals, including high public officials, who expect
advantages from German Fascism. In this connection, however, a word of
warning: We must guard against assuming that German Fascism or any other
variety of Fascism arises from propaganda alone. German Fascism came into
being not primarily because of Hitler's masterful skill as a propagandist but
because conditions of unemployment, impoverishment, despair, anger, and
resentment were such in Germany that any person or group offering salvation in
terms sufficiently appealing could have influenced profoundly the political
and economic decisions of the German people. Hitler was sufficiently
appealing. With the financial support of certain individuals and the intrigues
and incompetencies of men like von Papen and Hindenburg, Fascism became a
It was a combination of economic breakdown, governmental weakness, and
propaganda which made pro-Nazi Germany ready for Fascism. A similar
combination could bring Fascism elsewhere.
Propaganda has no meaning and hence no effectiveness except in terms of
life conditions of people—their needs, fears, hatreds, loves, aspirations,
prejudices, and traditions. These affect propaganda as much as propaganda
affects people.(41) National Socialist propaganda was based on the hatreds,
fears, aspirations, and traditions of the German people. That explains its
success— that, together with the fact that most of the German people and
doubtless many of the Nazi propagandists themselves were unable to analyze,
evaluate, and appraise the Nazi propaganda and its possible consequences.
Whether Hitler or his fellow Nazis were sincere or insincere, racketeers or
honest men, is not a matter of prime importance. What is of importance is that
they won to their cause honest, earnest men and women who in their turn became
zealous and effective propagandists for National Socialism. These men and
women knew well the despairs and aspirations of millions of Germans. Their
sincerity, strengthened by those aspirations, made them powerful propagandists
for German Fascism. Such a one was Pastor Martin Niemoeller who, after his war
service, came back to a Fatherland torn by class strife and proletarian
revolt. With the same zeal that led him to fight for his country as a captain
of a German submarine, Niemoeller joined the National Socialists in 1924 to
fight for a better Germany. Into his work with and for the National Socialist
Party he put his patriotism, sincerity, and fervor. There must have been
thousands like Pastor Niemoeller, honest earnest men whom people knew,
trusted, and followed. Some of them, like Niemoeller, came to see that
National Socialism (German Fascism) actually was destructive of the Germany of
their hopes and aspirations; therefore, they broke with the Nazis at the risk
of liberty and life. Others, not yet so disillusioned, continue to accept and
promulgate German Fascism with sincerity and fervor. These are the really
effective propagandists. Great and small, they are leaders of opinion in their
communities. Because they are honest and respected, their influence is great.
If, like Pastor Niemoeller, they come to see in German Fascism the destruction
of the Germany of their aspirations, the more courageous of them may fight as
zealously against Fascism as once they fought for it. The process of such
disillusionment may be slow or negligible because the régime has a monopoly of
Meanwhile, German Fascist propaganda may be expected increasingly to
penetrate other lands: in some countries, such as Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and
Roumania,as preparation for Anschiuss; elsewhere as a means of obtaining open
or tacit approval of such German Fascist expansion. Card Stacking must be used
constantly by the National Socialists to prevent Germans and the rest of the
world from knowing significant facts about German Fascism. In this connection
note the proposal by Dr. Otto Dietrich,(42) Reich Press Chief, for press
non-aggression pacts, providing for governmental control of printed and spoken
words in all nations negotiating such treaties with Germany. Dean Carl W.
Ackerman,(43) of the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism,
recently voiced the implications under Dr. Dietrich's proposal:
Every member of the Congress of the United States, of every state
legislature, all mayors and members of city or town councils, all leaders of
religious, educational, labor and business groups, all public speakers and
writers, would have to submit any proposed public reference to Germany, or
to German officials . . . to an official censor in Washington before it
could be spoken or printed.
the German Fascists obtain power over another nation, we may expect that
pressure will be exerted, as in the case of Austria, to bring the press and
all channels of communication under totalitarian control, and to silence all
critics. In order to save their lives and positions some editors, writers,
clergymen, teachers, business men, farmers, and others who might be adversely
critical will yield to pressure. By so doing they will become part of the
totalitarian propaganda system—will lend themselves to its purposes either by
silence or by outspoken approval. Particularly strong will be the pressure to
silence teachers and clergymen. Courageous educators will be removed(44) from
their teaching posts and forthright clergymen and priests from their pulpits.
For one Pastor Niemoeller, imprisoned for his opposition, there will be others
like Bishop Muller ready to accept position and prestige as reward. For one
Cardinal Faulhaber, who in Munich at great personal risk refused to accept the
German Fascist concept, there will be others like Cardinal Innitzer of
Austria, who urged all Austrian Roman Catholics to accept the Nazi régime.(45)
Some church leaders and some churches may yield to the régime or compromise
differences in formal agreements. We may then expect them to join the National
Socialists in their crusade against Judaism, communism, liberalism, and
democracy. If this happens, we may expect to see an increasing use of the
Transfer Device whereby such church groups give their sanction and authority
to justify the expanding program of the German Fascists and their allies.
foregoing analysis of National Socialist propaganda can do little more than
suggest the techniques used in bringing about and maintaining German Fascism.
For those who wish detailed accounts to make clearer the day-to-day
developments in the European situation, caused by the National Socialist
program of expansion, the following books are suggested:
Adolf Hitler's autobiography, Mein Kampf (Munich: Verlag Franz Eher
Nachfolger, 1933), was begun when he was thirty-five while imprisoned in the
fortress of Landsberg am Lech following the abortive Putsch of
November, 1923. It contains his program and political theories. An English
edition, considerably abridged, translated by E. T. S. Dugdale, has been
published under the title of My Battle (New York: Houghton Mifflin
Company, 1937. Pp. viii + 297. $2.50).
Robert A. Brady's The Spirit and Structure of German Fascism (New
York: The Viking Press, 1937. Pp. xix + 420. $3.00) gives a vivid picture of
conditions in Germany under the National Socialists.
Frederick L. Schuman's The Nazi Dictatorship (2nd ed., revised; New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1936. Pp. xiii + 516. $3.50) presents a clear account
of the early history and propaganda of the Nazis.
Henri Lichtenberger's The Third Reich, translated from the French
and edited by Koppel S. Pinson (New York: The Greystone Press, 1937. Pp. xi +
392. $3.00) reviews objectively the functioning of National Socialism. The
appendix, containing material not readily available, and the excellent
bibliography are particularly valuable.
Stephen H. Roberts' The House that Hitler Built (New York: Harper
and Brothers, 1938. Pp. xii + 380. $3.00) is a dispassionate judgment of the
Hitler régime. The author, an Australian, devotes much attention to the army.
Vaso Trivanovitch's Economic Development of Germany under National
Socialism (New York: National Industrial Conference Board, Inc., 1937. Pp.
xvii + 141. $3.50) contains valuable material on such subjects as the
organization and the economic position of labor and industry, foreign trade,
and public finance.
Five Years of Hitler (New York: American Council on Public Affairs,
1938. Pp. 46. 15c) sets forth in headline form an account of what has happened
in National Socialist Germany. The editor is M. B. Schnapper; the contributors
are Frederick L. Schuman, Henry Smith Leiper, Robert A. Brady, Alice Hamilton,
Charles A. Beard, and H. C. Engelbrecht.
Calvin B. Hoover's Dictators and Democracies (New York: The
Macmillan Company, 1937. Pp. xi + 110. $1.50), while not devoted solely to
National Socialism, is an interpretation of developments in Germany, Italy,
and Soviet Russia as illustrations of totalitarian states.
Mildred S. Wertheimer's Germany Under Hitler (New York: Foreign
Policy Association and World Peace Foundation, 1935. Pp. 48. 25c) gives a
brief, concise account of the rise of Hitler to power and of his first two
years as Chancellor of the German Reich.
The New York Times, New York Herald Tribune, and Christian
Science Monitor have carried particularly significant day-by-day accounts
which reveal all of the common propaganda devices used by the German Fascists.
These newspapers should be followed for contemporary evaluation of Nazi
The American Observer, a weekly review of social thought and action
(Civic Education Service, 744 Jackson Place, Washington, D. C., $2.00 a year),
is convenient for those who lack the time to follow the day-by-day accounts in
the better daily newspapers.
Vienna: March, 1938—A footnote for Historians is "a verbatim record
of the Austrian crisis, exactly as it came to CBS listeners." Free single
copies may be secured by addressing the Columbia Broadcasting System, 485
Madison Avenue, New York, N.Y.
From Propaganda Analysis. By permission of the Institute for Propaganda
Analysis, 130 Morningside Drive, New York City.
A. M. Lee, "Freedom of the Press: Service of a Catch Phrase," in Studies in
the Science of Society, G. P. Murdock, editor (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1937), pp. 355-75.
A. M. Lee, The Daily Newspaper in America (New York: The Macmillan
Company, 1937), chapters on "Advertising" (esp. pp. 370-3) and "Labor" (esp.
official name of the political party which brought Fascism to Germany is the
Nalionalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (National Socialist
German Workers' Party). For brevity's sake it is commonly referred to as the
National Socialist party or by its initials, NSDAP. A short abbreviation much
used in America is Nazi. As shown later, it is not actually a "socialist" or a
"workers' " party.
H. D. Lasswell, Propaganda Technique in the World War (New York: Alfred
A. Knopf, 1927).
spite of, or partly because of, the terrorism which accompanied Nazi
propaganda, and because of a slight economic upturn in the autumn of 1932,
public opinion began to react against Hitler. This was shown by a sharp
decline in votes polled by the National Socialist party in the Reichstag
election of November 6, 1932. Because the democratic realities of the Weimar
Republic still permitted considerable free play of public opinion, a few of
Hitler's most influential supporters decided at this juncture to urge his
appointment as Chancellor. See Frederick L. Schuman, The Nazi Dictatorship
(2nd ed., revised; New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1936), chapter on "Victory by
Default," for details of the victory of the National Socialists and of
President von Hindenburg's appointment of Hitler as Chancellor on January 30,
John T. Flynn, "The Steel Master Behind Hitler's Drive for Power," The New
York World-Telegram, March 16, 1938 (NEA Service, Inc.). "He [Thyssen] is
the man who made Hitler's regime possible and mobilizes big business in
Germany behind him now."
Economic Development of Germany under National Socialism (New York:
National Industrial Conference Board, Inc., 1937), pp. ix-xi.
also the articles by Otto D. Tolischus, Berlin correspondent of The New
York Times, for September 2-7, 1937.
Op. cit., pp. 91 ff.
Through Turbulent Years (New York: Robert M. McBride and Company, 1938),
Quoted by Henri Lichtenberger, The Third Reich (New York: The Greystone
Press, 1937) p. 302.
New York Herald Tribune, April 4,1938.
Lichtenberger, op, cit., p. 153.
This is one of the many examples of how two or more of the common propaganda
devices can be used in combination. Here the Glittering Generalities device is
combined with the Band Wagon and Transfer devices.
Op. cit., p. 20.
See Robert A. Brady, The Spirit and Structure of German Fascism (New
York: The Viking Press, 1937), pp. 149-157.
Op. cit., p. 32. See also Calvin B. Hoover, Dictators and
Democracies (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1937), Essay on
"Dictatorship and Property."
International Conciliation, (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,
No. 324), November, 1936, p. 567.
Reprinted in Lichtenberger, op. cit., p. 348.
Ibid., p. 353.
Brady, op. cit., pp. 196-7.
The New York Herald Tribune, February 21, 1938.
The New York Times, November 28, 1937.
Note Hitler's reference in his speech at Linz, Upper Austria (The New York
Times, March 13, 1938), to the taking of Austria as a "divine commission"
and this quotation from his Vienna speech (ibid., April 10, 1938): "I
believe it was G-d's will to send this Austrian boy to the Reich and to permit
him to return as a mature man to reunite the two great sections of the German
"Within three days the Lord struck the former rulers of this country.
Everything that has happened must have been pre-ordained by Divine Will."
Albert Förster, in Kalender der deutschen Arbeit (Berlin: Verlag der
deutschen Arbeitsfront, 1934), p. 195.
Rolf Dreves, in Kalender, op. cit., p. 57.
Kurt Biging, in Kalender, op. cit., p. 138.
cf. Ralph Thurston, "Under the Nazi Christmas Tree," The New Republic,
December 25, 1935, pp. 193-4. See also Schuman, op. cit., pp. 370-374.
See Brady, op. cit., "The New Nazi Sciences" pp. 46-52
See Olin Downes in The New York Times, April 3, 1938. ". . . It remains
a fact that an absolute dictatorship of the sort now practiced in such
extensive areas of the world overseas [Germany, Italy, and Russia] is nothing
but destructive to creative thought in any field."
"Hitler Unexpurgated: Deletions from 'Mein Kampf,' " in Nazism: An Assault
on Civilization, Pierre van Paassen, editor (New York: Harrison Smith and
Robert Haas, 1934), pp. 268, 272.
Quoted by Beard, op, cit., p. 269.
See Schuman, op. cit., "The Sign from Heaven," pp. 201-212.
Translated by Marvin Lowenthal in a letter to The New York Times, July
Op. cit., pp. 257-279.
Ibid., p. 268.
For a summary of statistics relating to the number and positions of Jews in
Germany, see Schuman, op. cit., pp. 316-8; and Mildred Wertheimer, "The
Jews in the Third Reich," Foreign Policy Association Reports, IX
(1933), pp. 174-184. According to German census figures in 1925, professing
Judaists constituted 0.9 per cent of the total population of 62,410,619.
Beard, op. cit., p. 267.
Quoted by Beard, op. cit., p. 258.
See William Graham Sumner, Folkways, chap. i.
See The New York Times, March 8, 1938.
Reported in The New York Herald Tribune, March 21, 1938.
See The New York Times, March 28, 1938, for an account of Edward Y.
Hartshorne's study of the effect of the Nazi dictatorship on German education,
in which he shows that of the 1,684 professors who have been dismissed by the
National Socialists almost 900 were released for being Jewish, Catholic, or
"politically unreliable" and more than 700 others were dismissed for no known
Cf. The New York Times, March 29, 1938, and The New York Sun,
March 28, 1938.